Monday, August 31, 2015

Whither inflation?

(Note: This post uses mathjax to display equations and has several graphs. I've noticed that the blog gets picked up here and there and mangled along the way. If you can't read it or see the graphs, come back to the original .)

The news reports from Jackson Hole are very interesting. Fed officials are grappling with a tough question: what will happen to inflation? Why is there so little inflation now? How will a rate rise affect inflation? How can we trust models of the latter that are so wrong on the former?

Well, why don't we turn to the most utterly standard model for the answers to this question -- the sticky-price intertemporal substitution model. (It's often called "new-Keynesian" but I'm trying to avoid that word since its operation and predictions turn out to be diametrically opposed to anything "Keyneisan," as we'll see.)

Here is the model's answer:

Response of inflation (red) and output (black) to a permanent rise in interest rates (blue). 

The blue line supposes a step function rise in nominal interest rates. The red line plots the response of inflation and the black line plots output.  The solid lines plot the answer to the standard question, what if the Fed suddenly and unexpectedly raises rates? But the Fed is not suddenly and unexpectedly doing anything, so the dashed lines plot answers to the much more relevant question: what if the Fed tells us long in advance that the rate rise is coming?

According to this standard model, the answer is clear: Inflation rises throughout the episode, smoothly joining the higher nominal interest rate. Output declines.

The model: \begin{equation} x_{t} =E_{t}x_{t+1}-\sigma(i_{t}-E_{t}\pi_{t+1}) \label{one} \end{equation} \begin{equation} \pi_{t} =\beta E_{t}\pi_{t+1}+\kappa x_{t} \label{two} \end{equation} where \(x\) denotes the output gap, \(i\) is the nominal interest rate, and \(\pi\) is inflation. The solution  is \begin{equation} \pi_{t+1}=\frac{\kappa\sigma}{\lambda_{1}-\lambda_{2}}E_{t+1}\left[ i_{t}+\sum _{j=1}^{\infty}\lambda_{1}^{-j}i_{t-j}+\sum_{j=1}^{\infty}\lambda_{2} ^{j}E_{t+1}i_{t+j}\right] \label{three} \end{equation} \begin{equation*} x_{t+1}=\frac{\sigma}{\lambda_{1}-\lambda_{2}}E_{t+1}\left[ (1-\beta\lambda_1^{-1}) \sum _{j=0}^{\infty}\lambda_{1}^{-j}i_{t-j}+(1-\beta \lambda_2^{-1}) \sum_{j=1}^{\infty}\lambda_{2}^{j}E_{t+1}i_{t+j}\right] \end{equation*} where \[ \lambda_{1} =\frac{1}{2} \left( 1+\beta+\kappa\sigma +\sqrt{\left( 1+\beta+\kappa\sigma\right)^{2}-4\beta}\right) > 1 \] \[ \lambda_{2} =\frac{1}{2}\left( 1+\beta+\kappa\sigma -\sqrt{\left( 1+\beta+\kappa\sigma\right)^{2}-4\beta}\right) < 1. \] I use \(\beta = 0.97, \ \kappa = 0.2, \ \sigma = 0.3 \) to make the plot. As you see from \((\ref{three}\)), inflation is a two-sided geometrically-weighted moving average of the nominal interest rate, with positive weights. So the basic picture is not sensitive to parameter values.

The expected and unexpected lines are the same once the announcement is made. This standard model embodies exactly zero of the rational expectations idea that unexpected policy moves matter more than expected policy moves. (That's not an endorsement, it's a fact about the model.)

The Neo-Fisherian hypothesis and sticky prices

A bit of context. In some earlier blog posts (start here) I explored the "neo-Fisherian" idea that perhaps raising interest rates raises inflation. The idea is simple. The nominal interest rate is the real rate plus expected inflation, \[ i_t = r_t + E_t \pi_{t+1} \] In the long run, real rates are independent of monetary policy. This "Fisher relation" is a steady state of any model -- higher interest rates correspond to higher inflation.

However, is it a stable steady state, or unstable? If the nominal interest rate is stuck, say, at zero, do tiny bits of inflation spiral away from the Fisher equation? Or do blips in inflation melt away and converge steadily towards the interest rate? I'll call the latter the "long-run" Fisherian view. Even if that is true, perhaps an interest rate rise temporarily lowers inflation, and then inflation catches up in the long run. That's the "short-run" Fisherian question.

One might suspect that the new-Fisherian idea is true for flexible prices, but that sticky prices lead to a failure of either the short-run or long-run neo-Fisherian hypothesis. The graph shows that this supposition is absolutely false. The most utterly standard modern model of sticky prices generates a short-run and long-run neo-Fisherian response. And reduces output along the way.

Multiple equilibria and other issues 

Obviously, it's not that easy. There are about a hundred objections. The most obvious: this model with a fixed interest rate target has multiple equilibria. On the date of the announcement of the policy change, inflation and output can jump.

Inflation response to an interest rate rise: multiple equilibria

The picture shows some of the possibilities when people learn rates will rise three periods ahead of the actual rise. The solid red line is the response I showed above. The dashed red lines show what happens if there is an additional "sunspot" jump in inflation, which can happen in these models.

Math: You can add an arbitrary \(\lambda_{1}^{-t}\delta_\tau \) to the impulse-response function given by (\(\ref{three}\)), where \(\tau\) is the time of the announcement (\(\tau=-3\) in the graph), and it still obeys equations \( ( \ref{one})-(\ref{two})\). These are impulse response functions and sunspots must be unexepected. So the only issue is the jump on announcement. Response functions are thereafter unique.

A huge amount of academic effort is expended on pruning these equilibria (me too), which I won't talk about here. The bottom two lines show that it is possible to get a temporarily lower inflation response out of the model, if you can get a negative "sunspot" to coincide with the policy announcement.

But I think the plot says we're mostly wasting our time on this issue. The alternative equilibria have the biggest effect on inflation when the policy is announced, not when the policy actually happens. But we do not see big changes in inflation when the Fed makes announcements.  The Fed is not at all worried about inflation past that is slowly cooling as the day of the rise approaches, as these equilibria show. It's worried about inflation or deflation future in response to the actual rate rise.

The graph suggests to me that most of the "sensible" equilibria are pretty near the solid line.

The graph also shows that all the multiple equilibria are stable, and thus neo-Fisherian. At best we can have a short-run discussion. In the long run, a rate rise raises inflation in any equilibrium of this model.

Yeah, there's lots more here -- what about Taylor rules, stochastic exits from the zero bound, off-equilibrium threats, QE, better Phillips curves with lagged inflation terms, habits in the IS curve, credit constraints, investment and capital, learning dynamics, fiscal policy, and so on and so on. This is a blog post, so we'll stop here. The paper to follow will deal with some of this.

And the point is made. The basic simplest model makes a sharp and surprising prediction. Maybe that prediction is wrong because one or another epicycle matters. But I don't think much current discussion recognizes that this is the starting point, and you need patches to recover the opposite sign, not the other way around.

Data and models

I started with the observation that it would be nice if the model we use to analyze the rate rise gave a vaguely plausible description of recent reality.



The graph shows the Federal Funds rate (green), the 10 year bond rate (red) and core CPI inflation (blue).

The conventional way of reading this graph is that inflation is unstable, and so needs the Fed to actively adjust rates. Inflation is like a broom held upside down, with inflation on the top and the funds rate on the bottom. When inflation declines a bit, the Fed drives the funds rate down to push inflation back up, just as you would follow a falling broom. When inflation rises a bit, the Fed similarly quickly raises the funds rate.

That view represents the conventional doctrine, that an interest rate peg is unstable, and will lead quickly to either hyperinflation (Milton Friedman's famous 1968 analysis) or to a deflationary "spiral" or "vortex."

And this instability view predicts what will happen should the Fed deliberately raise rates. Raising rates is like deliberately moving the bottom of the broom. The top moves the other way, lowering inflation. When inflation is low enough, the Fed then quickly lowers rates to stop the broom from tipping off.

But in 2008, interest rates hit zero. The broom handle could not move. The conventional view predicted that the broom will topple. Traditional Keynesians warned that a deflationary "spiral" or "vortex" would break out. Traditional monetarists looked at QE, and warned hyperinflation would break out.

(I added the 10 year rate as an indicator of expected inflation, and to emphasize how little effect QE had. $3 trillion dollars of bond purchases later, good luck seeing anything but a steady downward trend in 10 year rates.)

The amazing thing about the last 7 years in the US and Europe -- and 20 in Japan -- is that nothing happened! After the recession ended, inflation continued its gently downward trend.

This is monetary economics Michelson–Morley moment. We set off what were supposed to be atomic bombs -- reserves rose from $50 billion to $3,000 billion, the crucial stabilizer of interest rate movements was stuck, and nothing happened.  

Oh sure, you can try to patch it up. Maybe we discover after the fact that wages are eternally sticky, even for 7 to 20 years while half the population changes jobs, so, sorry, that deflation vortex we predicted can't happen after all. Maybe the Fed is so wise it neatly steered the economy between the Great Deflationary Vortex on one side with just enough of the Hyperinflationary Quantitative Easing on the other to produce quiet. Maybe the great Fiscal Stimulus really did have a multipler of 6 or so (needed to be self-financing, as some claimed) and just offset the Deflationary Vortex.

But when the seas are so quiet, and the tiller has been locked at 0 for seven years, it's awfully hard to take seriously the Captain's stories of great typhoons, vortices, and hyperwhales narrowly avoided by great skill and daring.

Occam's razor says, let us take the facts seriously: An interest peg is stable after all.  The classic theories that predict instability of an interest rate peg -- and consequently that higher rates will lead to lower inflation -- are just wrong, at least in our circumstances (important qualifier follows).

But if those classic theories failed dramatically, what can take their place? Fortunately, I started this post with just one such theory. The utterly standard sticky-price model, sitting in Mike Woodford's and Jordi Gali's textbooks, predicts exactly what happened: inflation is stable under a peg, and thus raising interest rates to a new peg will raise inflation.

The difference between traditional Keynesian or Monetarist models and this modern sticky-price model is deep and essential. In this model, people are forward-looking. In the standard unstable traditional-Keynesian or Monetarist model, people look backward. When written in equations, the traditional "IS" curve (\(\ref{one}\)) does not have \(E_t x_{t+1} \) or \(E_t\pi_{t+1}\) in it, and the "Phillips curve" (\(\ref{two}\)) has past inflation in it,
not expected future inflation.

Forward looking people generates stability, and backward looking people generates instability. If you drove a car by looking in the rear-view mirror, the car may indeed regularly veer off the road, unless the Fed sitting next to you yells about things to come and stabilizes the car. But when people drive looking through the front windshield, cars are quite stable, reverting to the middle of the road when the wind buffets them to one side or the other.

The response function is also consistent with the experience of a few countries such as Sweden which did raise rates and swiftly abandoned the effort. Those rises didn't do much either way to inflation, but they did lower output. Just as the graph says.

What to do? A robust approach

I will not follow the standard economists' approach -- here's my bright new idea, the government should follow my advice tomorrow. Is this right? Maybe. Maybe not. I'm working on it, and hoping by that and this blog post to encourage others to do so as well.

But if you're running the Fed, you don't have the luxury of waiting for research. You have to face an uncomfortable fact, which the news out of Jackson hole says they're facing: They don't really know what will happen or how the economy works. Nor does anyone else. They know that their own forecasts and models have been wrong 7 years in a row -- as has everyone elses', except a few bloggers with remarkably spotty memories -- so pinpoint structural forecasts of what will happen by raising rates made by those same models and logic are darn suspect.

A robust policy decision should integrate over possibilities. So as far as I'll go is that this is a decent possibility, and should add to the caution over raising rates. Raising rates if there is a fire -- actual inflation -- might be sensible. Raising rates because of inflation forecasts from models that have been wrong seven years in a row seems a bit diceyer.

Of course, there is a bit of divergence in goals as well. The Fed wants more inflation, so might take this model as more reason to tighten. And if this model is right, the Fed will produce the inflation which it desires and can then congratulate itself for foreseeing!

I like zero.  Zero rates are pretty darn good. Zero inflation is pretty darn good too. We get the Friedman-optimal quantity of money. And more. Financial stability: With no interest cost, people and businesses hold a lot of money, and don’t conjure complex but fragile cash-management schemes. Three trillion dollars of reserves are three trillion dollars of narrow banking. Taxes: You don’t pay taxes on inflationary gains and taxes erode less of the return on investments.  We don't suffer sticky-price distortions from the economy.  Yeah, growth is too slow, but monetary policy has nothing to do with long-run growth.

So, face it, the outcomes we desire from monetary policy are just about perfect. We don't really know how this happened, but we should savor it while it lasts.

This last point might be the main one. The model I showed above is utterly standard, as is the main result. "New-Keynesian" papers about the "zero bound" have been analyzing this state for nearly 20 years. The result that inflation is stable around the steady state is at least 20 years old.  All the effort, however, has been about how to escape the zero bound. But why? If a very low interest peg is stable, and achieves the optimum quantity of money, why not leave it alone? OK, there's this multiple equilibrium technicality, but that hardly seems reason to go back to "normal."

The only real concern is that some hidden force might be building up to upend this delightful state of affairs. That's behind most calls for raising rates. But clearly, nobody knows with any certainty what that force might be or how to adjust policy levers to head it off.

One warning. In the above model, the interest rate peg is stable only so long as fiscal policy is solvent. Technically, I assume that fiscal surpluses are enough to pay off government debt at whatever inflation or deflation occurs.  Historically, pegs have fallen apart many times, and always when the government did not have the fiscal resources or fiscal desire to support them. The statement "an interest rate peg is stable" needs this huge asterisk.




Monday, August 24, 2015

Phillips art

The Wall Street Journal gets a prize for Art in Economics for their Phillips curve article. Abstract expressionist division, not contemporary realism, alas.

Source: Wall Street Journal
(For the uninitiated: There is supposed to be a stable negatively sloped curve here by which higher inflation comes with lower unemployment. Beyond that correlation, most policy economists read it as cause and effect, higher unemployment begets lower inflation and vice versa. The point of the article is how little reality conforms to that bedrock belief.)

Too much debt, part II

"China to flood economy with cash" reads today's WSJ headline. When you read the article, however, you find it's not quite true. China to flood economy with debt is more accurate.
The expected move to free up more funds for lending—by reducing the deposits banks must hold in reserve—is directly aimed at countering the effects of a weaker currency,

The People’s Bank of China’s latest planned move, which could come before the end of this month or early next month, would involve a half-percentage-point reduction in banks’ reserve-requirement ratio, potentially releasing 678 billion yuan ($106.2 billion) in funds for banks to make loans.
I had hoped the world learned this lesson in the financial crisis. Equity is great. When things go bad, shareholders lose value by prices falling, but they cannot run and the firm cannot fail if it does not pay equity holders.

Financial crises are always and everywhere about debt, especially short term debt. Lending more, encouraging more bank leverage, reducing reserves and margin requirements, means that when the downturn comes a needless wave of runs and defaults follows.

Inevitably, it seems, another downturn will come, another set of books will have been found to have been cooked, and then we will find out who lent too much money to whom. US investment banks, 2008, strike one. Greece, 2010, strike 2. China, 2015, strike 3? Do we no longer bother closing the barn doors even after the horse leaves?

This story should also give one pause about the wisdom of "macro-prudential" policy, by which wise central bankers are supposed to presciently open and close the spigots of leverage to manage asset prices.

Wednesday, August 19, 2015

Europa hat die Banken missbraucht

An editorial in Süddeutche Zeitung, on Greece, banks and the Euro, summarizing some recent blog posts.

I don't speak German, so I don't know how the translation went, but it sounds great to me:


Die jüngste Griechenland-Krise rückt das größte Strukturproblem des Euro in den Vordergrund: Unter dem Dach einer gemeinsamen Währung müssen Staaten genauso wie Firmen pleitegehen können. Banken müssen international offen sein, sie dürfen nicht vollgepackt sein mit den Schuldtiteln lokaler Regierungen. So war der Euro ursprünglich konzipiert. Leider haben Europas Politiker die erste Prämisse vergessen und sind zur zweiten gar nicht erst vorgedrungen. Jetzt ist es Zeit, beides in Angriff zu nehmen.... 
The English version:

Greek Lessons for a Healthy Euro

The most recent Greek crisis brings to the foreground the main structural problem of the euro: Under a common currency sovereigns must default just like corporations default. And banks must be open internationally, not stuffed with local governments’ debts.

This is how the euro was initially conceived. Alas, europe’s leaders forgot about the first and never got around to the second. It’s time to fix both.



If Volkswagen defaults on its debts and goes bankrupt, nobody dreams that it therefore has to leave the euro zone and start paying its workers in Volkswagen marks. In a currency union, governments cannot print their way out of trouble, so they are just like companies.

When Greece got in to trouble, the first bailout went to the German and French banks who had bought lots of Greek debt. Those debts were all transferred to official holders, meaning, indirectly the German taxpayer.

Why, with the 2008 financial crisis already in the rear view mirror, were European banks — too big to fail, apparently — allowed to load up on Greek debt, to the point that they had to be bailed out? Why did europe’s bank regulators let banks hold sovereign debt as a risk free asset?

The problem has only gotten worse. Greek banks are stuffed with Greek government debt. That’s why there was a run. Greeks, knowing their banks will fail if the government defaults, rush to get money out. They have stopped paying their mortgages, as they have stopped paying taxes, and stopped paying each other. The economy is plummeting. Even with the banks now supposedly open, capital controls remain in place so Greeks cannot pay for imports. And savvy Greeks know there is still a chance of Grexit, deal failure, depositor “bail-ins,” and tightened capital controls. They would be fools to put money back in banks.

A modern economy cannot function without banks. Greece will not restart its economy, restart its tax collections, and restart any hope of paying its debts without completely open and trustworthy banks.

Banking across Europe should be open, and divorced from local government debt. A Greek should be able to put his or her euros in a pan-european bank, whose assets are diversified across Europe and will not even hiccup if Greece’s government defaults. A Greek business should be able to borrow from the same bank, whose deposits come from all over Europe. If a Greek bank fails, any European bank should be able to come in and operate it the next morning. And the Greek government should have no right to grab deposits, force banks to buy its debts, or change the currency of those deposits.

If this had been the case, there would have been no run. The Greek economy would not have collapsed. And then Europe could have been a lot tougher with the Greek government about repayment.

This is how the United States works. When states and cities in the U.S. default — such as Detroit, Puerto Rico, or, possibly Illinois — there is no run on the banks, and banks do not fail or close. Why? Because nobody dreams that defaulting states or cities must secede from the dollar zone and invent a new currency.  State and city governments cannot force state banks to lend them money, and cannot grab or redenominate deposits. Americans can easily put money in Federally chartered, nationally diversified banks that are immune from state  and local government defaults.

As a result, when one of our state governments gets in fiscal trouble, nobody thinks they need to rush to their bank to get their money out, there is no “contagion,” and much less pressure for bailouts.

This was how the euro was supposed to be set up. Many economists have been warning about it for years. But governments like to use their banks as piggy banks, and it never happened.

Greece is not the end. Italian and Spanish banks are just as loaded up with their governments’ debts, and just as prone to a run. There is time to de-fuse this bomb slowly, but that time will run out.

Sovereign default without exit and open banking are the key requirements for the european currency union. A currency union does not need “fiscal union.” The US did not bail out the city of Detroit, or states when they failed. A currency union does not require similar economies. Panama uses the US dollar. A currency union does not need countries to have similar cultures, values, economic development, or productivity. A currency union does not need political union.  Europe used gold as the common currency for centuries, centuries when Kings defaulted frequently.

Many people say that small countries need their own currencies, so they can artfully devalue. But a century’s worth of devaluations and inflations did not produce a Greek growth miracle. There is no exchange rate at which Greece’s government workers will start exporting Porsches to Stuttgart.  Rather, it was binding themselves to the euro that produced a boom, only sadly wasted.

Greece off the euro will be a disaster. Drachmas will surely not be convertible, so Greece will end up like Cuba or Venezuela, with government workers and pensioners paid in worthless local currency, and everyone who can get paper euros operating on a cash basis.  No efficient large businesses can work in such an economy.  Greece’s only hope is to liberalize its economy, open to Europe, grow strongly, and pay back its debts.

The euro is a great and worthy project, and a necessary precursor to healthy open economies in small countries of a globalized world. It’s time to finish building it as originally conceived, not turn it into a bailout union.

Mr. Cochrane is a Senior Fellow of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University.

Greenspan for Capital

Alan Greenspan joins the high-capital banking club, in an intriguing FT editorial
If average bank capital in 2008 had been, say, 20 or even 30 per cent of assets (instead of the recent levels of 10 to 11 per cent), serial debt default contagion would arguably never have been triggered. Had Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers continued as capital-conscious partnerships, a paradigm under which both thrived, they would probably still be in business. The objection to a capital requirement of 20 per cent or more, even when phased in over a series of years, is that it will suppress bank earnings and lending. History, however, suggests otherwise.
20 to 30 percent used to be the sort of thing one could not say in public without being branded some sort of nut.

Alan also echoes the main point. Banks need lots of regulators micromanaging their investment decisions, because taxpayers pick up the bag for their too-high debts. Banks with lots of capital do not need asset micro-regulation:
...An important collateral pay-off for higher equity in the years ahead could be a significant reduction in bank supervision and regulation.

Lawmakers and regulators, given elevated capital buffers, need to be far less concerned about the quality of the banks’ loan and securities portfolios since any losses would be absorbed by shareholders, not taxpayers. This would enable the Dodd-Frank Act on financial regulation of 2010 to be shelved, ending its potential to distort the markets — a potential seen in the recent decline in market liquidity and flexibility.
A double bravo.

However, to be honest, I have to nitpick a bit on what seems like the right answer for some of the wrong reasons.


Alan seems to argue that the rate of return to equity is independent of leverage:
Banks compete for equity capital against all other businesses....

In the wake of banking crises over the decades, rates of return on bank equity dipped but soon returned to their narrow range. ...

What makes the stability of banks’ rate of return since 1870 especially striking is the fact that the ratio of equity capital to assets was undergoing a significant contraction followed by a modest recovery. Bank equity as a percentage of assets, for example, declined from 36 per cent in 1870 to 7 per cent in 1950..Since then, the ratio has drifted up to today’s 11 per cent. 
So if history is any guide, a gradual rise in regulatory capital requirements as a percentage of assets (in the context of a continued stable rate of return on equity capital) will not suppress phased-in earnings..
There is an exam question in here: what seems wrong? Answer: Competition for equity capital should drive the risk adjusted rate of return for bank equity to be the same as for other businesses. If banks issue more capital, the raw rate of return to equity should decline. So should the variability (beta, risk) of that return. (Other things held constant, which may well be why the historical record is muddy.)

In fact, Alan seems precisely to be making the banks' argument. They claim that the return on equity capital is independent of leverage. They have to pay (say) 10% to shareholders, but only 1% to debt holders, so debt is a cheaper source of financing. Banks claim that forcing them to issue more expensive capital will force them to raise loan rates and strangle lending. Which, curiously, Alan seems to be endorsing. Though he starts with
The objection to a capital requirement of 20 per cent or more, even when phased in over a series of years, is that it will suppress bank earnings and lending. History, however, suggests otherwise.
He follows up with
...bank net income as a percentage of assets will be competitively pressed higher, as it has been in the past, just enough to offset the costs of higher equity requirements. Loan-to-deposit interest rate spreads will widen and/or non-interest earnings will increase.
Ok, so earnings may not be affected, but a rise in loan-to-deposit spreads is exactly what the banks are warning of, and it's hard to see how that would not "suppress bank lending."

All this only happens if investors demand the same return to equity no matter what leverage, and competition then forces banks to deliver that return. This proposition is precisely what advocates (such as myself) or more capital deny. Investors are not that dumb, they demand a competitive risk adjusted rate of return. More capitalized banks will deliver lower rates of return -- and equally lower risk. Bank "stock" will look very much like long term bonds and become the cornerstone of safe portfolios. So we get all of Greenspan's benefits and none of the downside.

Of course, this is just an editorial. He may have meant "risk adjusted" return, and was trying to simplify language.

Tuesday, August 18, 2015

The decline in long-term interest rates

Source: Council of Economic Advisers
Long term interest rates are trending down around the world. And it's not just since the great recession and financial crisis. The same trend has been going on for decades.

The Council of Economic Advisers just issued an excellent report surveying our understanding of this question. A blog post summary by Maury Obstfeld and Linda Tesar.

(Many other interesting CEA reports here. Occupational licensing is next on my in box.)

The report is really well done, for explaining the economic issues in clear simple terms, but without hesitating to use a model and an equation when necessary. If you're wondering how to keep your undergraduate or MBA class (heck, your PhD class) busy this week, this report will do the trick.

There is some grumbling in economics circles about the CEA and what role it should play, between Sunday morning talk show cheerleader for the Administration's policies vs. providing dispassionate  economic analysis to the Administration and country. This kind of report is the kind of CEA I cheer for.

I won't summarize the whole thing. Maury and Linda's blog post blog post does a great job of that, and you should just go read it. A few comments however.



1. Surprise surprise, the trend is a surprise. Hence, beware our current forecasts. This is not a criticism, it's just a fact. The best forecasts have been wrong in the past. They may well be wrong in the future.

2. Said: "The long-term interest rate is a central variable in the macroeconomy. A change in the long-term interest rate affects the value of accumulated savings, the cost of borrowing, the valuation of
investment projects, and the sustainability of fiscal deficits."

Unsaid: The surprise decline in long-term interest rates has been a boon to financing deficits. Current deficit forecasts use the current forecast of a return to higher interest rates. If this forecast is wrong once again, and real interest rates on government debt continue at rock-bottom levels, this will be a boon to "fiscal sustainability." Of course, the opposite is also true: If a trend nobody expected and everyone expects to reverse does reverse, then countries with big debts are in trouble.



3. The long term graph makes nicely a point that's been on the back of my mind lately. People typically assume that long term bonds should pay more then short term bonds, because they are riskier. But that's actually a puzzle: most bond investors hold their money for long periods of time, for which long term real bonds are less risky. It's hard, in fact, to get most term structure models to produce an upward-sloping yield curve.

It was not always so. In the 19th century, short term yields were consistently above long term yields.

The difference, of course, is inflation. In the 19th century we were on the gold standard, as noted in the graph. So long term bonds did not have inflation risk.  So, if inflation continues to die, or if our central banks go on a price level target, we might expect the same pattern to hold again. Which would be great for financial stability too. Short term debt causes runs and crises. If long term debt were cheaper, the inducement to finance short would be less.

4. Uncertainty. A message you read loudly between the lines is, that we have very good theoretical understanding of the various mechanisms that can move the trend in interest rates up or down, we (meaning "economic science") have really very little idea of the quantitative force of various mechanisms. By masterfully explaining each mechanism, and then patiently reviewing the vast literature that comes up with hugely different numbers for each mechanism, the point is made clearly, though between the lines.

They might go further. For example, the section on term premiums (the long rate is the average of expected future short rates plus a term premium) cites the latest studies and plots a line, but no standard error or other uncertainty band around that line. As this is an area I've written papers on, I know where the bodies are buried. Term premium estimates come down to forecasting regressions of future bond returns on current variables. Such regressions have huge bands of uncertainty. All forecasts and decompositions should have error bars. The only problem is artistic, as honest error bars would dwarf the forecasts. Well,  knowing what you don't know is real knowledge.

5. Forecasts. On p. 26, after this implicit devastating critique of the state of knowledge, "To illustrate our analyses, we illustrate different approaches to forecasting the long-term nominal interest rate, as is typically done twice a year in the CEA/OMB/Treasury Budget forecast and midsession review." A process for coming up with a number follows. Clearly, the message of the previous 25 pages is that conditioning decisions on a forecast, cranked out to two decimal places, is a bad idea. Economic policy should embrace uncertainty!

This is really a big deal. Much of the illusion of technocratic competence driving our regulatory state is reflected in absurdly accurate forecasts. The joke goes, we know economists have a sense of humor, because economists use decimal points. I'd love to see a Federal Forecast Accuracy Act: All forecasts made by every administrative agency shall include measures of forecast uncertainty. The CBO will evaluate all forecasts after the fact, and agencies shall be penalized when reality exceeds the stated uncertainty bounds more than half of the time.

6. The CEA ain't buying "secular stagnation," in its perpetual "lack of demand" interpretation.  (As a fact, it's undeniable. The question is the diagnosis and treatment.)  See p. 38.

7. In a report whose summary sections are  Fiscal, Monetary, and Foreign-Exchange Policies, Inflation Risk and the Term Premium, Private-sector Deleveraging, Lower Global Long-run Output and Productivity Growth, Shifting Demographics, The Global “Saving Glut”, Safe Asset Shortage, Secular Stagnation?, and Tail Risks and Fundamental Uncertainty, it is perhaps a bit petulant to complain of left-out factors but I will mention one.

The "supply side" part of the analysis is limited to productivity growth. Higher productivity growth leads to higher real interest rates in equilibrium, and (these days) vice versa. But it takes time and transition dynamics to accumulate capital.

One hypothesis that I learned from Larry Summers is that today's production function needs a lot less physical capital to produce the same productivity. A 1930s steel mill is a lot of accumulated savings. Facebook has nothing but a basketball court sized building full of 20-somethings coding while wearing headphones, and a really cool food court. The company is worth billions but it took comparatively little accumulated savings to start it up. If technology moves so that human, rather than physical capital is the heart of the K in F(K,L), productivity growth may determine interest rates in the long run, but there are lower interest rates on the transition path. Larry:
Ponder that the leading technological companies of this age—I think, for example, of Apple and Google— find themselves swimming in cash and facing the challenge of what to do with a very large cash hoard. Ponder the fact that WhatsApp has a greater market value than Sony, with next to no capital investment required to achieve it. Ponder the fact that it used to require tens of millions of dollars to start a significant new venture, and significant new ventures today are seeded with hundreds of thousands of dollars. All of this means reduced demand for investment, with consequences for equilibrium levels of interest rates.
(This is an update, thanks to email correspondent who found the quote.)

Update: Steve Williamson reminds us all that there is no "the" interest rate, and that the rate of return on capital is both stable and much higher than government bond yields. There is a risk premium, and it's big, and it varies over time. Practically all macro and growth theory forgets this fact. Since I've spent most of my career emphasizing the size and volatility of the risk premium, I should remember this reminder in every blog post. Thanks for pointing it out Steve!

Monday, August 17, 2015

Low Hanging Fruit Guarded By Dragons

A nice essay by Brink Lindsey at Cato, analyzing some regulations that are strangling economic growth, with an explicitly bipartisan (multipartisan) appeal.

It's nice because of the unusual focus, not just health, banking, environment, and labor regulation but regulation we don't hear about often enough,
(a) excessive monopoly privileges granted under copyright and patent law; (b) protection of incumbent service providers under occupational licensing; (c) restrictions on high-skilled immigration; and (d) artificial scarcity created by land-use regulation
It takes a while to get going, so skip to p. 7 where the real analysis starts.

I liked especially the analysis of zoning laws, which are the central force behind rising housing prices. They are also curiously damaging to the environment, by forcing people to live far from where they work, and regressive. I say curiously, because tight zoning is so beloved by supposedly green and liberal places, such as Palo Alto.